Apa yang terjadi dengan pekerja kereta api yang pekerjaannya menjadi mubazir?

Apa yang terjadi dengan pekerja kereta api yang pekerjaannya menjadi mubazir?

Pada awal abad ke-20, lokomotif uap menjadi raja transportasi darat. Industri kereta api adalah salah satu pemberi kerja terbesar di AS, mempekerjakan sejumlah besar pekerja untuk membangun dan memelihara rel, mengoperasikan dan memperbaiki kereta api, dan sebagainya. Bisnis besar dan seluruh kota bermunculan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan rel kereta api dan pekerja serta penumpangnya.

Tetapi sejak itu, perkeretaapian Amerika telah kehilangan hampir semua bisnis penumpang mereka dan sebagian besar bisnis pengangkutan mereka ke jalan raya atau maskapai penerbangan. Teknologi juga telah mengurangi jumlah tenaga kerja yang dibutuhkan untuk menjaga kereta tetap berjalan. Lokomotif uap digantikan oleh lokomotif diesel yang membutuhkan awak yang lebih kecil, tidak harus berhenti untuk air, lebih fleksibel secara operasional, dan membutuhkan perawatan yang jauh lebih sedikit (dokumenter ini mengatakan 1.000.000 mil antara perombakan besar untuk diesel dibandingkan dengan 75.000 untuk uap). Alih-alih kru penari gandy besar mempertahankan trek dengan perkakas tangan, alat berat memungkinkan lebih sedikit pekerja untuk mempertahankan lebih banyak trek. Layanan penumpang sangat dikurangi, terutama kemewahan seperti mobil tidur dan mobil makan yang juga padat karya.

Secara keseluruhan, kita dapat mengatakan bahwa perkeretaapian bergeser dari mempekerjakan sejumlah besar pekerja manual tidak terampil ke sejumlah kecil pekerja yang lebih terampil (dan pada saat yang sama dengan permintaan transportasi kereta api turun). Sepertinya kita akan melihat sesuatu yang serupa dalam waktu dekat dengan teknologi seperti kendaraan self-driving. Yang saya herankan adalah, apa yang terjadi pada pekerja kereta api yang pekerjaannya menjadi mubazir? Apakah perusahaan kereta api atau serikat pekerja memberi mereka pekerjaan lain? Apakah mereka menerima pensiun? Atau apakah mereka hanya dipecat dan pergi untuk mencari pekerjaan apa pun yang mereka bisa? Jika ya, apakah sebagian besar dari mereka mendapatkan pekerjaan (dan jenis pekerjaan apa), atau banyak yang jatuh miskin? Apa yang terjadi dengan kota-kota yang bergantung pada rel kereta api untuk perekonomian mereka? Apakah ada protes atau pemogokan atau konflik lain yang disebabkan oleh perubahan ini?

Edit untuk menambahkan beberapa statistik: Halaman 15 dari dokumen ini mencantumkan statistik ketenagakerjaan kereta api 1890-1957 dan halaman ini memiliki 1947-2014. Ada lebih sedikit orang yang dipekerjakan oleh rel kereta api saat ini (hanya 212.000) daripada yang ada bahkan selama Depresi Hebat (991.000 pada tahun 1933). Antara tahun 1951 dan 1972, rel kereta api kehilangan rata-rata 40.000 pekerjaan per tahun.


Pengalaman Amerika

Courtesy: Arsip Nasional

1769
Insinyur mekanik Skotlandia James Watt mematenkan desainnya untuk mesin uap praktis pertama, membuka jalan bagi produksi mekanis Revolusi Industri.

1825
Di Inggris, George Stephenson merekayasa lokomotif kereta api pertama di dunia. Berdasarkan eksperimen Stephenson selama bertahun-tahun dengan kendaraan bertenaga uap (yang pertama ia buat pada tahun 1814), the Daya penggerak menarik batubara di jalur sembilan mil.

1830
Peter Cooper menyelesaikan lokomotif uap pertama di Amerika. NS Tom Thumb membawa penumpang dan barang sepanjang 13 mil dari jalur antara Baltimore dan Ellicott's Mills, Maryland. Pada akhir tahun, rute lokomotif serupa ada di New York dan Carolina Selatan.

1841
Pemukim pertama bergerak ke barat melintasi Northern Great Plains di tempat yang kemudian dikenal sebagai Oregon Trail, segera menjadi saluran untuk emigrasi.

1845
Asa Whitney menyajikan resolusi di Kongres yang mendukung pendanaan jalur kereta api ke Pasifik. Meskipun enam tahun berkampanye, masalah ini mati karena meningkatnya seksionalisme dan kepentingan pribadi mengalihkan perhatian legislatif. Kereta api tetap menjadi simbol kuat dalam kesadaran publik.

1848
Desember: Mantan presiden James K. Polk membangkitkan semangat baru untuk ekspansi ke barat dengan mengumumkan penemuan emas di Wilayah Oregon.

1850
9 September: California yang kaya emas menjadi negara bagian ke-31 yang diterima di Uni.

1859
Juni: Penemuan Comstock Lode yang masif memikat para penambang ke Virginia City, Nevada, untuk mencari bijih emas dan perak. Berita itu merevitalisasi ekonomi pertambangan California, dan mendorong eksplorasi jalan ke timur melintasi Sierra Nevada.

1860
Juli: Insinyur dan penggila Theodore Yehuda memecahkan teka-teki besar Pacific Railroad ketika ia mencapai Donner Pass (dinamakan untuk emigran yang bernasib buruk tahun 1846). Yehuda segera mengenali lokasi yang ideal untuk membangun jalur melalui Sierra Nevada.

November: Yehuda bertemu pedagang Sacramento Collis P. Huntington, yang setuju untuk berinvestasi dalam proyek kereta apinya. Huntington mendatangkan empat investor lain: Mark Hopkins, James Bailey, Charles Crocker, dan Leland Stanford. Keenam orang itu mengorganisir diri mereka sebagai Dewan Direksi pertama dari Perusahaan Kereta Api Central Pacific.

1861
Oktober: Setelah menyelesaikan surveinya di Sierra Nevada, Yehuda kembali ke Washington dengan membawa peta dan profil untuk melobi alokasi untuk Central Pacific Railroad Company.

1862
1 Juli: Kongres lolos dan Lincoln menandatangani RUU Kereta Api Pasifik. Dokumen tersebut mendukung upaya Pasifik Tengah untuk membangun jalur California sambil secara bersamaan menyewa Perusahaan Kereta Api Union Pacific untuk membangun ke barat dari Sungai Missouri. RUU tersebut memberikan setiap perusahaan 6.400 hektar tanah dan $ 48.000 obligasi pemerintah per mil yang dibangun. Itu tidak menunjuk titik pertemuan untuk garis.

1863
8 Januari: Gubernur California yang baru terpilih Leland Stanford menyekop muatan pertama dari tanah pada upacara peletakan batu pertama Pasifik Tengah di Sacramento.

Musim Panas: Ketegangan meningkat di antara dewan Pasifik Tengah seputar masalah keuangan dan kontrak. Yehuda berlayar ke Timur untuk mencari investor baru.

26 Oktober: Pasifik Tengah meningkatkan rel pertamanya ke ikatan.

30 Oktober: Thomas C. Durant, yang secara ilegal memanipulasi kepentingan pengendali di Union Pacific Railroad Company, mengangkat dirinya sendiri sebagai wakil presiden dan manajer umum perkeretaapian.

2 November: Karena sakit dalam perjalanannya, Theodore Yehuda meninggal di New York City.

2 Desember Dalam sebuah upacara gala, Union Pacific melakukan terobosan di Omaha, Nebraska, meskipun perlu beberapa waktu sebelum rel kereta api akan pergi ke mana pun.

1864
1 Juli Sebagai pelobi - di antaranya Durant, yang membagikan lebih dari $ 400.000 - mendistribusikan uang tunai dan obligasi di antara para legislator, Kongres mengesahkan RUU Kereta Api Pasifik yang direvisi. Ini menggandakan hibah tanah, menyerahkan semua sumber daya alam di jalur kereta api, dan menghilangkan batasan kepemilikan saham individu.

Oktober: Kroni Union Pacific Herbert M. Hoxie memenangkan tender konstruksi Union Pacific, kemudian menandatangani kontrak ke perusahaan baru Durant, Crédit Mobilier. Langkah ini memungkinkan Durant membayar dirinya sendiri untuk konstruksi, menghasilkan keuntungan besar tanpa pengawasan kongres.

29 November: Pembantaian Sand Creek. Pasukan kavaleri yang dipimpin oleh Kolonel John Chivington membantai 150 penduduk asli Amerika Cheyenne dan Arapaho yang tidak bersenjata, yang sebagian besar adalah wanita dan anak-anak.

1865
7 Januari: Perampok Cheyenne, Arapaho, dan Sioux merusak calon kota kereta api Julesburg, Colorado, sebagai pembalasan atas Sand Creek. Mereka menghancurkan kawat telegraf di Lembah Platte, lalu kembali dan meruntuhkan Julesburg ke tanah.

20 Januari: Presiden Abraham Lincoln meminta senator Massachusetts Oakes Ames untuk membantu mengelola Union Pacific Railroad. Ames segera berinvestasi di Crédit Mobilier dan mempromosikan kepentingannya di Washington, D.C.

Akhir Januari: Kontraktor Charles Crocker meyakinkan mandor Pasifik Tengah James Harvey Strobridge untuk mencoba pekerja Cina sebagai sarana untuk memperluas angkatan kerja mereka, yang saat ini hanya berjumlah beberapa ratus orang Irlandia.

9 April: Robert E. Lee menyerah kepada Ulysses S. Grant. Perang Saudara berakhir. Massa tentara didemobilisasi, banyak dari mereka akan segera bergerak ke barat. Union Pacific belum menaikkan rel.

14 April: Presiden Lincoln dibunuh. Jenazahnya akan dibawa kembali ke Illinois dengan kereta api, dengan mobil Pullman khusus.

10 Juli: Dengan aktivitas Durant yang menghadapi peningkatan pengawasan di D.C., rel pertama dari jalur Union Pacific dipasang di Omaha.

Akhir Musim Panas: Awak Pasifik Tengah memulai pekerjaan lambat dengan mengebor 12 terowongan melalui Sierra Nevada, rata-rata beberapa inci melewati batu setiap hari. Pada akhir tahun, sekitar 6.000 pria China akan bekerja di dalam dan di sekitar terowongan. Mereka akan membentuk hingga 80% dari tenaga kerja di seluruh proyek.

1866
Februari: Menyadari pentingnya meningkatkan produksi, Durant mempekerjakan Jenderal Jack Casement sebagai bos konstruksi Union Pacific. Casement menghabiskan musim dingin di Omaha, mempersiapkan asrama bergulir yang akan digunakan krunya di tahun mendatang.

16 April: Ledakan nitrogliserin menghancurkan Kantor Wells Fargo di pusat kota San Francisco.

Mei: Durant mempekerjakan Jenderal Grenville Dodge untuk menjadi chief engineer Union Pacific.

Juli: Kru tingkap menambah 60 mil jalur untuk membawa garis Union Pacific ke tanda 100 mil.

6 Oktober: Casement dan krunya melewati garis Meridian ke-100 di padang rumput Nebraska, dengan demikian menjamin hak yang tidak dapat dibatalkan oleh Union Pacific untuk melanjutkan perjalanan ke barat, sebagaimana diatur dalam Pacific Railroad Act. Durant mengadakan "Wisata Meridian ke-100" yang megah untuk tamu yang bermartabat, menampilkan penyergapan Pawnee tiruan.

November: North Platte, Nebraska, duduk di ujung garis Union Pacific, dan segera menampilkan kombinasi yang kuat antara salon, pelacur, dan penjahat. Himpunan ini dan yang lainnya seperti itu yang mengikuti pers ke arah barat kekaisaran dinamai kota "Neraka di Roda".

21 Desember: Kesal dengan meningkatnya kehadiran militer di Lembah Sungai Powder, tempat berburu paling suci dan subur yang tersisa yang mereka miliki, sekelompok prajurit Sioux menarik Kapten William J. Fetterman yang sombong dan pasukannya ke dalam penyergapan mematikan di jalur Bozeman.

Courtesy: Perpustakaan Umum Denver, Koleksi Sejarah Barat F18110

1867
Musim Dingin: Ahli kimia Inggris James Howden mulai memproduksi nitrogliserin di tempat di pegunungan untuk Pasifik Tengah, menghilangkan bahaya pengangkutan senyawa.

Mei: Dipimpin oleh Ames bersaudara, petugas Crédit Mobilier mencopot Durant dari kursi kepresidenan Union Pacific. Maka dimulailah serangkaian tindakan hukum yang diprakarsai oleh Durant terhadap Crédit Mobilier dan Union Pacific, meskipun ia terus menjalankan kepemimpinan nominal atas kedua perusahaan tersebut.

25 Juni: Pekerjaan puncak di Sierra terhenti saat para pekerja China mogok untuk upah yang lebih baik dan jam kerja yang lebih pendek. Crocker dan Strobridge memutuskan makanan, persediaan, dan komunikasi ke kamp-kamp Cina. Satu minggu kemudian, para pria akan kembali bekerja dengan upah yang sama.

4 Juli: Dodge mendirikan kota Cheyenne di Wilayah Wyoming. Dimaksudkan sebagai titik transfer di jalur Union Pacific, itu akan berisi lokomotif perusahaan dan stasiun militer. Perusahaan membagi dan menjual banyak untuk mendorong pemukiman emigran. Pada akhir tahun, populasi pemukiman akan melebihi 4.000.

27 Agustus: Sekelompok prajurit Cheyenne membengkokkan rel dan menarik jalur di Plum Creek, Nebraska. Kehancuran yang dihasilkan menggagalkan kereta kerja, yang dijarah dan dibakar oleh pihak Cheyenne setelah membunuh awaknya. Satu-satunya yang selamat lolos dengan kulit kepala di tangan.

28 Agustus: Para pekerja Pasifik Tengah menerobos bebatuan Terowongan Puncak, menyelesaikan tugas mereka yang paling berat di pegunungan.

30 November: Sebagai jalur awam Tiongkok, direktur Pasifik Tengah memimpin perjalanan kereta api seremonial ke sisi timur Sierra Nevada.

12 Desember: Meskipun perselisihan terus berlanjut di antara para direkturnya, Crédit Mobilier mengumumkan dividen saham yang substansial. Oakes Ames menjadi populer di kalangan legislator yang ingin mendapatkan keuntungan. Ames mendistribusikan 190 lembar saham di Washington, 163 di antaranya diberikan kepada 11 anggota Kongres.

1868
16 April: Konstruksi Union Pacific melampaui titik tertinggi di kedua jalur: Sherman Summit, pada ketinggian 8.200 kaki di Pegunungan Rocky. Perlombaan untuk menyelesaikan -- dan kepemilikan teritorial -- sedang berlangsung.

9 Mei: Central Pacific menjual lot pertamanya di Reno, Nevada.

18 Juni: Kereta penumpang pertama bergemuruh melintasi Sierras ke Reno.

Agustus: Pemimpin Mormon Brigham Young menyediakan Stanford dengan pekerja Mormon untuk pekerjaan penilaian Pasifik Tengah melalui gurun Utah.

29 Oktober: Warga Laramie, Wyoming yang muak, membentuk Komite Kewaspadaan untuk memerangi elemen tanpa hukum kota. Setelah baku tembak sengit, warga berhasil memaksa para penjudi dan penjahat dari pemukiman mereka, menggantung mereka yang tersisa dari tiang telegraf dan kasau kabin kayu.

6 November Setelah berbulan-bulan pertempuran yang dikenal sebagai "Perang Awan Merah," pemerintah menyarankan sebuah perjanjian, tetapi pemimpin penduduk asli Amerika Red Cloud tidak akan merendahkan diri untuk bertemu sampai militer melepaskan diri dari Jalur Bozeman. Mereka setuju, dan Red Cloud menandatangani Perjanjian Sungai Bubuk, yang menjamin Sioux tempat berburu mereka yang besar untuk selama-lamanya. Red Cloud dengan demikian dianggap sebagai satu-satunya pemimpin pribumi yang memenangkan perang dengan Amerika Serikat.

1869
Januari: Corinne, Utah didirikan. Ini adalah pemukiman non-Mormon pertama di Territory yang akan terbukti menjadi kota Neraka di Roda terakhir yang sebenarnya.

8 April: Setelah berbulan-bulan ketegangan meningkat, lobi tertutup Washington, tekanan Kongres, dan pertemuan yang dibatalkan antara kedua perusahaan, Dodge dan Huntington memutuskan tempat pertemuan untuk dua jalur mereka. Dibutuhkan argumen yang menggelora selama dua hari, tetapi orang-orang itu merundingkan konvergensi di Promontory Summit, Utah.

28 April: Hari Kemenangan. Charles Crocker memutuskan dia memiliki satu hal terakhir untuk menunjukkan Union Pacific dan dunia. Dalam prestasi kekuatan dan organisasi yang luar biasa, kru Pasifik Tengahnya meletakkan rel sejauh 10 mil yang belum pernah terjadi sebelumnya antara matahari terbit dan terbenam.

6 Mei Saat mobil Pullman bergerak ke barat menuju Promontory Summit, pekerja ikat yang tidak dibayar menghalangi jalur dan sebuah jembatan hanyut di Devil's Gate. Perkembangan ini menunda kedatangan pejabat Durant dan Union Pacific selama dua hari.

8 Mei: Meskipun tertunda, Yobel tetap berjalan seperti yang direncanakan di kota-kota di seluruh California. Pada upacara Pasifik Tengah di Sacramento, bersulang untuk visi perintis Asa Whitney dan Theodore Yehuda.

10 Mei: Di ​​tengah kerumunan pejabat dan pekerja, dengan mesin 119 dan Jupiter hampir menyentuh hidung, rel kereta api Pasifik Tengah dan Union Pacific bergabung bersama. Operator telegraf yang mentransmisikan ke kedua pantai mengirimkan pukulan palu saat jatuh pada paku emas. Bangsa mendengarkan saat barat dan timur bersatu dalam kesatuan yang tak terbagi.

1872
4 September Selama kampanye presiden yang memanas, skandal Crédit Mobilier meletus di media, mencoreng nama banyak tokoh pemerintah mapan yang konon menjual pengaruh mereka untuk saham Crédit Mobilier. Di antara mereka adalah Ketua DPR James G. Blaine dari Maine, yang menyarankan komite investigasi akan menganggap tuduhan itu tidak berharga.

1873
Februari: Komite Kongres menyelidiki Crédit Mobilier. Skandal tersebut menciptakan kekecewaan publik dengan para pemimpin terpilih, tetapi komite hanya memberikan hukuman yang sangat sedikit. Semua pemain utama lolos tanpa cedera, kecuali kambing hitam Oakes Ames, yang keluar dari Kongres dan membuat Washington malu. Dia akan mati hanya beberapa bulan kemudian.

1880
Pada tahun 1880, kereta api Pasifik membawa barang senilai $50 juta per tahun. Ini telah berfungsi sebagai arteri untuk 200 juta hektar pemukiman antara Mississippi dan Pasifik. Dataran Indian telah tersebar ke reservasi, dan sedikit lebih dari 1.000 kerbau yang tersisa dari jutaan yang pernah menghuni padang rumput. Perjalanan antara San Francisco dan New York, yang dulunya mungkin memakan waktu enam bulan yang melelahkan, sekarang memakan waktu beberapa hari.

1882
Mengabaikan peran penting yang dimainkan imigran China dalam membangun infrastruktur California, Kongres mengesahkan Undang-Undang Pengecualian China, yang melarang imigrasi lebih lanjut dari pekerja China ke Amerika Serikat untuk jangka waktu sepuluh tahun. Kongres akan memperpanjang Undang-undang ini pada tahun 1892, dan sekali lagi tanpa batas pada tahun 1904.

1884
Penuh dengan keuntungan dari perusahaan kereta api dan kehilangan atas kematian anak remaja mereka, Leland dan Jane Stanford memberikan Leland Stanford Junior University di tanah keluarga di Palo Alto, California.

1889
Sebuah perjanjian dengan pemerintah AS membagi wilayah Sioux di Lembah Sungai Powder, yang pernah dijanjikan kepada penduduk asli Amerika selamanya oleh Perjanjian 1868. Sioux bubar ke enam reservasi yang lebih kecil, dan kepemilikan besar terakhir dari masyarakat adat dibuka ke pemukiman putih.


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Saat ini, ada 12 jenis susu yang tersedia di hampir semua toko kelontong yang Anda kunjungi. Lima puluh tahun yang lalu, hanya ada satu jenis, dikirim ke pintu Anda oleh tukang susu. Mengingat bahwa orang Amerika minum, rata-rata, satu galon susu per bulan lebih sedikit daripada yang mereka lakukan 50 tahun yang lalu, tidak heran pengiriman susu telah kehilangan sebagian daya tariknya. Dan jika menurut Anda pekerjaan Anda buruk? Tunggu saja sampai Anda melihat 30 Kebijakan Perusahaan Paling Gila yang Harus Diikuti Karyawan.

Sebelum munculnya rodentisida modern, Anda dapat menemukan pekerjaan yang dapat diandalkan untuk menangkap tikus. Penangkap tikus populer di seluruh Eropa selama masa Wabah Hitam dan masih digunakan di seluruh dunia hingga awal abad ke-20. Dan ketika Anda siap untuk karir yang lebih memuaskan, pastikan Anda mengetahui Trik Rahasia agar Resume Anda Diperhatikan.

Hari ini, kami memiliki perangkat kecil di rumah kami yang dapat menulis daftar belanjaan kami untuk kami jika kami tidak lebih dari memintanya. Namun, dari akhir abad ke-19 hingga pertengahan abad ke-20, dikte ditangani oleh operator Dictaphone. Siap untuk membuat lompatan karir Anda sendiri? Simak 25 Pekerjaan Work from Home dengan Gaji Tinggi Ini!

Meskipun menavigasi di sekitar kendaraan roda 18 yang membawa kayu di jalan raya mungkin menyusahkan, truk-truk tersebut merupakan peningkatan besar dibandingkan praktik industri penebangan kayu sebelumnya. Contoh kasus: sampai tahun 1970-an, penebangan kayu adalah salah satu metode yang disukai untuk memindahkan kayu dari satu tempat ke tempat lain, dengan laki-laki mengendarai kayu di sungai sebagai sarana untuk membawa mereka ke pabrik. Sayangnya, praktik ini sangat berbahaya, dengan banyak pengemudi kayu yang kehilangan nyawanya saat bekerja.

Hari ini, kami mendengarkan podcast. Namun, sepanjang abad ke-20, jutaan orang mendengarkan drama radio, menangkap aktor favorit mereka memainkan serial yang begitu populer pada saat itu. Dan sementara beberapa penggemar radio mencoba mengembalikan format ini, jumlah aktor yang dapat mencari nafkah di bidang pekerjaan ini saat ini kemungkinan nol.

Sebelum industri percetakan didigitalkan, semua cerita itu harus diatur dengan tangan oleh seorang penata huruf sebelum dicetak. Mengingat bahwa langganan surat kabar cetak telah turun ke level terendah sejak tahun 1940-an, menurut Pew Research Center, sepertinya kertas cetak juga tidak akan bertahan lama di dunia ini.

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Kabar baiknya: tingkat merokok telah turun ke posisi terendah sepanjang masa di seluruh dunia. Berita buruknya? Itu berarti gadis rokok, seorang wanita yang menjual rokok dari kotak di lehernya, yang pernah menjadi bagian reguler dari pengalaman kehidupan malam di awal hingga pertengahan abad ke-20, adalah sesuatu dari masa lalu.

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Dengan munculnya lift tombol-tekan, kita telah melihat penurunan yang tak terhindarkan dari operator lift, yang satu-satunya pekerjaan adalah mengoperasikan lift secara manual dan membiarkan penumpang naik dan turun di lantai yang mereka inginkan. Meskipun Anda mungkin kadang-kadang masih melihatnya sebagai hal baru di beberapa bangunan, operator lift telah menghilang.

Hari ini, apakah Anda melempar bola selokan atau pukulan, pin itu pasti akan tersapu oleh mesin otomatis. Namun, sepanjang abad ke-20, sebelum munculnya otomatisasi, adalah tugas pinsetter untuk membersihkan dan mengganti pin bowling secara manual dan memastikan bola bowling kembali ke pemiliknya yang sah setelah bingkai.

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Tempat kerja Anda memungkinkan Anda mendengarkan podcast atau buku audio favorit Anda, tetapi sepanjang abad ke-20 ada orang-orang yang tugasnya hanya membacakan untuk para pekerja. Lektor sering dipekerjakan oleh pabrik untuk membacakan surat kabar kepada pekerja saat mereka bekerja keras dalam upaya untuk mendidik mereka dan memberi mereka pengalihan selama hari kerja.

Sebelum penemuan penggulung jam listrik, pekerjaan itu sering dilakukan secara manual oleh penggulung jam khusus. Sementara pekerjaan ini telah dihilangkan, ada satu pengecualian: hanya lima tahun yang lalu, Big Ben menyewa penggulung jam. Tarif yang berlaku? Tepat di utara $ 50.000 per tahun.

Karena sebagian besar bioskop beralih ke proyektor digital, peran proyektor film sebagian besar sudah usang. Sementara peran beberapa proyektor dalam bioskop telah berubah untuk memasukkan pemrograman dan manajemen, Anda mungkin akan kesulitan menemukan siapa pun yang masih profesional memproyeksikan film 35mm hari ini.

Saat ini, komputer laptop hanya seberat buku bersampul. Namun, sepanjang abad ke-20, dibutuhkan seluruh manusia—atau terkadang satu tim—untuk menghasilkan tenaga di salah satu mesin kecil ini yang banyak kita anggap remeh saat ini.

Selama Perang Dunia II, apa yang disebut komputer manusia digunakan untuk melakukan persamaan matematika yang kompleks. Komputer manusia juga digunakan oleh NASA pada pertengahan 1900-an, seperti yang digambarkan dalam buku Angka Tersembunyi dan film dengan nama yang sama. Pikirkan itu karir yang liar? Tunggu sampai Anda melihat 15 Pekerjaan Konyol Ini Sangat Tidak Berguna Anda Tidak Akan Percaya Mereka Ada!

Untuk menemukan lebih banyak rahasia menakjubkan tentang menjalani kehidupan terbaik Anda, klik disini untuk mendaftar ke buletin harian GRATIS kami!


Kehidupan Keluarga yang Bermasalah

Pada 19 Desember 1813, yang membuat orangtuanya kecewa, Vanderbilt menikahi sepupu pertamanya, Sophia Johnson. Pasangan itu akhirnya akan memiliki 13 anak, dengan 11 bertahan hingga dewasa. Sesukses apa pun dia dalam bisnis, dia adalah ayah dan suami yang buruk. Seorang misoginis seumur hidup yang menginginkan lebih dari tiga putra, Vanderbilt memperhatikan putri-putrinya dan diyakini telah berselingkuh dengan istrinya dengan pelacur. Vanderbilt dilaporkan membuat putranya਌ornelius Jeremiah dua kali komit ke rumah sakit jiwa. Dia melakukan tindakan yang sama untuk Sophia pada satu titik juga, setelah Vanderbilt menunjukkan minat asmara pada pengasuh muda keluarga.


Akar kekerasan Hari Buruh: Bagaimana seorang pekerja memberontak di B&O Railroad menyebabkan 100 orang tewas

Pada musim panas tahun 1877, Amerika Serikat mengalami pecahnya kerusuhan buruh yang begitu meluas dan keras sehingga beberapa orang berpikir bahwa revolusi Amerika yang baru akan segera terjadi, kali ini diwarnai dengan cita-cita komunis yang baru saja membara di seluruh Prancis.

Pemogokan Kereta Api Besar tahun 1877 dimulai di Martinsburg, W.Va., pada 16 Juli ketika pekerja kereta api menanggapi pemotongan gaji lainnya dengan menutup halaman. Bentrokan hebat pecah, dan dari sana masalah menjalar di sepanjang jalur kereta api besar ke Baltimore, Pittsburgh, Chicago, dan St. Louis, semakin ganas seiring berjalannya waktu.

Hampir dua mil persegi Pittsburgh terbakar. Massa polisi dan massa perusuh saling memburu di Chicago. Pemogokan itu mengganggu B&O, Erie dan rel kereta api Pennsylvania, menyapu para penambang, pekerja besi, longshoremen dan tukang perahu kanal, dan menyentuh tempat-tempat yang berjauhan seperti Worcester, Mass., dan San Francisco, sejauh selatan sejauh Nashville dan Galveston, Tex Di beberapa tempat, pemogokan menghapus garis warna antara pekerja kulit putih dan hitam, setidaknya untuk sementara waktu.

Pada saat pemogokan dihentikan, diperkirakan 100.000 pekerja telah ambil bagian dan sekitar 100 orang tewas. Itu adalah saat paling dekat bangsa muda itu melakukan pemogokan umum nasional dan menunjukkan perlunya masa depan yang lebih progresif.

“[M]setiap orang Amerika akan melihat kembali ke musim panas tahun 1877 sebagai titik balik,” tulis Philip Dray, yang bukunya “There Is Power in a Union” mendokumentasikan sejarah tenaga kerja AS.

Percikan muncul ketika John W. Garrett, presiden Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, menandatangani pemotongan gaji 10 persen. Itu mengetuk upah harian tukang rem menjadi $ 1,35 dan merupakan pemotongan kedua dalam setahun. Itu juga terjadi ketika orang Amerika masih berjuang setelah Kepanikan tahun 1873, salah satu kemerosotan ekonomi terburuk yang pernah terjadi.

Pekerja B&O di Baltimore mencoba melakukan protes tetapi digagalkan oleh polisi. Jadi aksinya pindah ke Martinsburg, ujung bagian B&O.

Pada 16 Juli, kru kereta ternak keluar dari pekerjaan, meninggalkan daging sapi untuk dipanggang dalam panas. Kemudian seorang tukang rem memimpin para pekerja di kereta yang memisahkan sehingga mereka tidak bisa meninggalkan halaman. Polisi masuk tapi diusir. Gubernur West Virginia Henry M. Mathews memanggil milisi lokal.

Milisi mengambil alih komando kereta ternak pada hari berikutnya dan memindahkannya, tetapi mereka bertemu dengan pemogok, salah satunya melemparkan saklar untuk mengalihkan kereta. Tembakan terjadi: satu penyerang tewas, dan seorang anggota milisi terluka. Mathews meminta Presiden Rutherford B. Hayes untuk mengirim pasukan federal. Hayes menurut.

Mayor Jenderal W.H. Prancis tiba di Martinsburg dengan 200 tentara Artileri AS ke-4 dan harapan, tulis Dray, bahwa pertunjukan bayonet akan cukup untuk memulihkan ketertiban. Para prajurit, tanpa bantuan dari pekerja B&O, menjalankan kereta.

Tetapi para pemogok memulai konflik gerilya tingkat rendah. Pekerja kereta api — sekarang bergabung dengan penambang, pekerja besi, dan tukang perahu dari Terusan Chesapeake & Ohio — bersembunyi di bawah jembatan atau di balik tikungan buta, muncul untuk menyergap kereta api dengan batu atau memblokir rel dengan puing-puing.

Gubernur Maryland John Lee Carroll, melihat negara bagian tetangga dalam kekacauan, memanggil Pengawal Nasional Maryland di Baltimore dan mengirim mereka ke Cumberland, persimpangan B&O utama tidak jauh dari Martinsburg. Saat penjaga Resimen ke-5 berbaris dari gudang senjata kota ke Stasiun Camden, pekerja pabrik Baltimore datang ke jalan untuk bersorak - sampai tersiar kabar tentang mengapa tentara dimobilisasi. Tak lama kemudian, kerumunan yang bersorak-sorai menjadi gerombolan pelempar batu.

Lebih banyak pasukan dipanggil, hanya untuk memperburuk keadaan. Ketika Resimen ke-6 Pengawal Nasional Maryland mengikuti jalan yang sama, ribuan pengunjuk rasa, mungkin puluhan ribu — “gerombolan, terdiri dari elemen-elemen terburuk di kota,” seperti yang dikatakan New York Times — melepaskan diri dengan batu bata. Beberapa tentara berlari. Yang lain menembak ke udara. Beberapa menembaki massa, menewaskan 10 orang.

Sekarang kemarahan telah menyebar ke Pittsburgh, jantung industri negara itu. Masalah dimulai setelah Pennsylvania Railroad memerintahkan agar semua kereta masuk "double-header" - konfigurasi menggunakan dua lokomotif yang memaksa satu awak untuk melakukan pekerjaan dua.

Tidak di Pittsburgh, kata para penyerang. Sekali lagi, polisi tidak berdaya untuk campur tangan, dan milisi lokal menumpuk senjata sebagai simpati atas pemogokan tersebut. Gubernur Pennsylvania John F. Hartranft memanggil Garda Nasional dari Philadelphia, saingan lintas negara bagian Iron City.

Pasukan Philadelphia — banyak veteran Perang Sipil — tiba di kereta yang dicungkil oleh batu dan bongkahan batu bara yang dibuang ke atas mereka selama perjalanan. Mereka bersenjata lengkap, dengan artileri dan senjata Gatling. Pada hari Sabtu, 21 Juli, di sudut Liberty Avenue dan 28th Street, tentara bentrok dengan massa sekitar 6.000 orang. Tembakan dilepaskan, menewaskan sedikitnya 20 orang.

“Shot in Cold Blood by the Roughs of Philadelphia,” a local newspaper blared. “The Lexington of Labor Conflict Is at Hand.”

The crazed mob looted gun shops and weaponized freight cars loaded with coal, setting them on fire and rolling them downhill toward the roundhouse where the soldiers had sheltered. By the next morning, the soldiers had no choice but to flee under fire, and their Gatling gun was put to use. A chunk of the city had been put to the torch.

Chicago was next. Leaders of the Workingmen’s Party — which was heavily influenced by Marxism and was a forerunner of the Socialist Party — addressed a crowd of 30,000 people in downtown Chicago to form a “Grand Army of Labor,” Dray writes. “Pittsburgh! Pittsburgh! Pittsburgh!” the cry went up. Then violence broke out, and 30 people died.

In St. Louis, a relatively peaceful general strike shut down everything — and for that reason most frightened the leaders of industry, Dray writes. Talk spread of an “American Commune,” and the Workingmen’s Party led 10,000 in a parade singing “La Marseillaise.” But martial law was declared, arrests were made, and the Great Strike was on its way to becoming memory.

Afterward, the railroad barons were unrepentant. The B&O’s Garrett thought the soldiers should have killed more strikers. Others dismissed the unrest as the doings of foreign subversives. Politicians instead focused on strengthening the National Guard, often by building armories. But despite losing the strike, laborers had changed perceptions: In growing numbers, Americans came to believe that government should do more for social justice.

“What labor won was a new appreciation of its own strength,” Dray writes, “and of the power of the strike.”


The automated workplace

Robotic machines can perform certain unpleasant and dangerous jobs such as welding or painting. They can handle loads of up to a ton or more and work efficiently in temperatures ranging from near freezing to uncomfortably hot. In many cases automation has eliminated physical and mental drudgery from human labour and has allowed the worker to change from a machine operator to a machine supervisor.

Automation also boosts productivity (as measured in output per man-hour), even as it reduces the number of workers required for certain tasks. In the 1950s and ’60s, for example, productivity increased while employment decreased in the chemical, steel, meatpacking, and other industries in developed countries. Except in the rust belt regions (older industrial areas in Britain and the United States), no mass unemployment has ever materialized. Instead, as certain jobs and skills became obsolete, automation and other new technologies created new jobs that call for different skills.

Automation has brought about changes in the worker’s relationship to the job. Here the differences between labour practices in different countries prove instructive. The scientific management principle of breaking work down into small, repetitive tasks was based perhaps upon the notion that the worker does not think on the job. For example, when American factories became mechanized, the workers were not permitted to stop the assembly line if anything went amiss that was the task of supervisory personnel. This led to low productivity and poor quality control. By comparison, workers in Japanese factories were allowed to stop the process when something went wrong. Workers were assigned to “quality circles,” groups that could give workers a say in the performance of their tasks and in the process of problem solving. This approach represents an application of Mayo’s Hawthorne effect—something Japanese managers had learned from American management consultants such as W. Edwards Deming. By encouraging workers to participate in the quality control efforts, the management approach improved both productivity and quality.

A similar way of enhancing quality and work performance is what is known as group assembly, which started in Swedish automobile plants and was also adopted by the Japanese and then by the Americans. With this system a group of workers is responsible for the entire product (as opposed to individual workers who perform only one small task). If something goes wrong on an assembly line, any worker can push a button and hold things in place until the problem is resolved.

As this approach is increasingly employed throughout the world, it brings major changes to the labour force and to labour-management relations. First, it allows smaller numbers of more highly skilled workers, operating sophisticated computer-controlled equipment, to replace thousands of unskilled workers in assembly-line plants. As a consequence, the highly skilled worker, whose talents had been lost on the old-fashioned assembly line, has again become indispensable. The proliferation of automated machinery and control systems has increased the demand for skilled labourers and knowledgeable technicians who can operate the newer devices. As a result, automation may be seen as improving efficiency and expanding production while relieving drudgery and increasing earnings—precisely the aims of Frederick W. Taylor at the turn of the 20th century.


East St. Louis Massacre

The name refers to a race riot that occurred in the industrial city of East St. Louis, Illinois, over July 2-3, 1917. It is also referred to as the “East St. Louis Riot.” As historians have looked at its various causes, they have labeled it in different ways, depending on what aspect of it they have focused their attention on. Some recent historians have called it a “pogrom” against African Americans in that civil authorities in the city and the state appear to have been at least complicit in—if not explicitly responsible for—the outbreak of violence. Even in 1917, some commentators already made the comparison between the East St. Louis disturbance and pogroms against Jews that were occurring at the time in Russia. Roving mobs rampaged through the city for a day and a night, burning the homes and businesses of African Americans, stopping street cars to pull their victims into the street, and assaulting and murdering men, women, and children who they happened to encounter. A memorial petition to the U.S. Congress, sent by a citizen committee from East St. Louis described it as “a very orgy of inhuman butchery during which more than fifty colored men, women and children were beaten with bludgeons, stoned, shot, drowned, hanged or burned to death—all without any effective interference on the part of the police, sheriff or military authorities.” In fact, estimates of the number of people killed ranged from 40 to more than 150. Six thousand people fled from their homes in the city, either out of fear for their lives or because mobs had burned their houses.

In the early years of the 20th century, many industrial cities in the North and the Midwest became destinations for African Americans migrating from the South, looking for employment. East St. Louis was one of these cities, where blacks found opportunities to work for meatpacking, metalworking, and railroad companies. The demand for workers in these companies increased dramatically in the run-up to World War I. Some of the workmen left for service in the military, creating a need for replacements, and the demand for war materiel increased industrial orders. The workforce had been highly unionized and a series of labor strikes had increased pressure on companies to find non-unionized workers to do the work. Some companies in East St. Louis actively recruited rural Southern blacks, offering them transportation and jobs, as well as the promise of settling in a community of neighborhoods where African Americans were building new lives strengthened by emerging political and cultural power. By the spring of 1917, about 2,000 African Americans arrived in East St. Louis every week.

Racial competition and conflict emerged from this. The established unions in East St. Louis resented the African American workers as “scabs” and strike breakers. On May 28-29, a union meeting whose 3,000 attendees marched on the mayor’s office to make demands about “unfair” competition devolved into a mob that rioted through the streets, destroyed buildings, and assaulted African Americans at random. The Illinois governor sent in the National Guard to stop the riot, but over the next few weeks, black neighborhood associations, fearful of their safety, organized for their own protection and determined that they would fight back if attacked again. On July 1, white men driving a car through a black neighborhood began shooting into houses, stores, and a church. A group of black men organized themselves to defend against the attackers. As they gathered together, they mistook an approaching car for the same one that had earlier driven through the neighborhood and they shot and killed both men in the car, who were, in fact, police detectives sent to calm the situation. The shooting of the detectives incensed a growing crowd of white spectators who came the next day to gawk at the car. The crowd grew and turned into a mob that spent the day and the following night on a spree of violence that extended into the black neighborhoods of East St. Louis. Again, the National Guard was sent in, but neither the guardsmen nor police officers were at all effective in protecting the African American residents. They were instead more disposed to construe their job as putting down a black revolt. As a result, some of the white mobs were virtually unrestrained.

A national outcry immediately arose to oust the East St. Louis police chief and other city officials, who were not just ineffective during the riots, but were suspected of aiding and abetting the rioters, partly out of a preconceived plan, suggested Marcus Garvey, to discourage African American migration to the city. The recently formed NAACP suddenly grew and mobilized—with a silent march of 10,000 people in New York City to protest the riots. They and others demanded a Congressional investigation into the riots. The report of the investigation, however, pointed to the migration of African Americans to the East St. Louis region as a “cause” of the riot, wording that sounded like blaming the victims. As Marcus Garvey had said of an earlier report of the riot, “An investigation of the affair resulted in the finding that labor agents had induced Negroes to come from the South. I can hardly see the relevance of such a report with the dragging of men from cars and shooting them.” A similar point about simple justice for the victims and where to place the blame for the riots nearly caused ex-President Theodore Roosevelt to come to blows with AFL leader Samuel Gompers during a public appearance shortly after the riot. Roosevelt demanded that those who had perpetrated the violence and murders in East St. Louis be brought to justice. Gompers then rose to address the crowd and, as a reporter for the Chicago Tribune, wrote, “He read a telegram which he said he had received tonight from the president of the Federation of Labor of Illinois. This message purported to explain the origin of the East St. Louis riots. It asserted that instead of labor unions being responsible for them they resulted from employers enticing Negroes from the south to the city ‘to break the back of labor.’” This enraged Roosevelt, who jumped up, approached Gompers, brought his hand down onto his shoulder and roared that, “There should be no apology for the infamous brutalities committed on the colored people of East St. Louis.” Roosevelt, like many other Americans of all races, was particularly appalled by the irony that such an event could occur in the United States at the same time that the country, by entering World War I, was declaring its intentions to export abroad its vision of freedom and justice. This theme was picked up by many editorial cartoonists in newspapers across the U.S. East St. Louis was by no means the only northern industrial city to experience race riots during this period. A conviction grew among some African Americans that they could not depend on an enlightened white community or government, either in the South or in the North, to insure their rights and their safety, but that they would have to fight for their own rights. In an editorial entitled "Let Us Reason Together," in his magazine, Krisis, W. E. B. Du Bois wrote, “Today we raise the terrible weapon of self-defense. When the murderer comes, he shall no longer strike us in the back. When the armed lynchers gather, we too must gather armed. When the mob moves, we propose to meet it with bricks and clubs and guns.”

For more information

Harper Barnes, Never Been a Time: The 1917 Race Riot That Sparked the Civil Rights Movement. New York: Walker & Company, 2008. Elliott M. Ruckwick, Race Riot at East St. Louis, July 2, 1917. Carbondale: University of Illinois Press, 1982. Charles L. Lumpkins, American Pogrom: The East St. Louis Race Riot and Black Politics. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2008. U. S. House of Representatives, Special Committee on East St. Louis Riots, East St. Louis Riots. Washington: GPO, 1918.


Labor Day’s violent roots: How a worker revolt on the B&O Railroad left 100 people dead

In the summer of 1877, the United States endured an outbreak of labor unrest so widespread and violent that some thought a new American revolution was in the offing, this time tinged with the communist ideals that had just burned through France.

The Great Railroad Strike of 1877 began in Martinsburg, W.Va., on July 16 when railroad workers responded to yet another pay cut by shutting down the yard. Violent clashes broke out, and from there the trouble raced along the great railroad lines into Baltimore, Pittsburgh, Chicago and St. Louis, building in ferocity as it went.

Nearly two square miles of Pittsburgh went up in flames. Mobs of police and mobs of rioters hunted each other down in Chicago. The strike disrupted the B&O, the Erie and the Pennsylvania railroads, swept up miners, iron workers, longshoremen and canal boatmen, and touched places as far apart as Worcester, Mass., and San Francisco, as far south as Nashville and Galveston, Tex. In some places, the strike erased the color line between white and black workers, at least for a while.

By the time the strike was put down, an estimated 100,000 workers had taken part and about 100 people had died. It was the closest the young nation had come to a nationwide general strike and pointed to the need for a more progressive future.

“[M]any Americans would look back to the summer of 1877 as a turning point,” writes Philip Dray, whose book “There Is Power in a Union” documents U.S. labor history.

The spark came when John W. Garrett, president of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, signed off on a 10 percent wage cut. It knocked a brakeman’s daily wage to $1.35 and was the second such cut in a year. It also came as Americans were still struggling after the Panic of 1873, one of the worst economic skids ever seen.

B&O workers in Baltimore tried to stage a protest but were thwarted by police. So the action moved down the line to Martinsburg, the terminus of a B&O section.

On July 16, a cattle train’s crew walked off the job, leaving the beef to roast in the heat. Then a brakeman led workers in decoupling trains so they couldn’t leave the yard. Police moved in but were driven off. West Virginia Gov. Henry M. Mathews called up the local militia.

The militia took command of the cattle train the next day and got it moving, but they were met by strikers, one of whom threw a switch to divert the train. Shots were exchanged: one striker was killed, and a militia member was wounded. Mathews called on President Rutherford B. Hayes to send federal troops. Hayes complied.

Maj. Gen. W.H. French arrived in Martinsburg with 200 soldiers of the 4th U.S. Artillery and the hope, Dray writes, that a show of bayonets would be enough to restore order. The soldiers, without help from B&O workers, got the trains running.

But the strikers began a low-grade guerrilla conflict. Railroad workers — joined now by miners, iron workers and boatmen from the Chesapeake & Ohio Canal — hid under bridges or behind blind curves, emerging to ambush trains with stones or block the tracks with debris.

Maryland Gov. John Lee Carroll, seeing a neighboring state in turmoil, called out the Maryland National Guard in Baltimore and dispatched them to Cumberland, a key B&O junction not far from Martinsburg. As 5th Regiment guardsmen marched from the city’s armory to Camden Station, Baltimore factory workers came into the street to cheer — until word got out about why the soldiers were mobilized. Soon the cheering crowd became a stone-throwing mob.

More troops were summoned, only to make things worse. As the Maryland National Guard’s 6th Regiment followed the same path, thousands of protesters, perhaps tens of thousands — “a mob, composed of the worst elements in the city,” as the New York Times put it — let loose with bricks. Some soldiers ran. Others fired into the air. Some fired into the mob, killing 10 people.

By now the rage had traveled the rails to Pittsburgh, the country’s industrial heart. Trouble began after the Pennsylvania Railroad ordered that all trains go in “double-headers” — a configuration using two locomotives that forced one crew to do the work of two.

Not in Pittsburgh, the strikers said. Once again, police were powerless to intervene, and local militia stacked arms in sympathy with the strike. Pennsylvania Gov. John F. Hartranft summoned the National Guard from Philadelphia, the Iron City’s cross-state rival.

The Philadelphia troops — many Civil War veterans — arrived in a train gouged by stones and chunks of coal dumped on them during the journey. They were heavily armed, with artillery and a Gatling gun. On Saturday, July 21, at the corner of Liberty Avenue and 28th Street, the soldiers clashed with a mob of about 6,000 people. Shots were fired, killing at least 20 people.

“Shot in Cold Blood by the Roughs of Philadelphia,” a local newspaper blared. “The Lexington of Labor Conflict Is at Hand.”

The crazed mob looted gun shops and weaponized freight cars loaded with coal, setting them on fire and rolling them downhill toward the roundhouse where the soldiers had sheltered. By the next morning, the soldiers had no choice but to flee under fire, and their Gatling gun was put to use. A chunk of the city had been put to the torch.

Chicago was next. Leaders of the Workingmen’s Party — which was heavily influenced by Marxism and was a forerunner of the Socialist Party — addressed a crowd of 30,000 people in downtown Chicago to form a “Grand Army of Labor,” Dray writes. “Pittsburgh! Pittsburgh! Pittsburgh!” the cry went up. Then violence broke out, and 30 people died.

In St. Louis, a relatively peaceful general strike shut down everything — and for that reason most frightened the leaders of industry, Dray writes. Talk spread of an “American Commune,” and the Workingmen’s Party led 10,000 in a parade singing “La Marseillaise.” But martial law was declared, arrests were made, and the Great Strike was on its way to becoming memory.

Afterward, the railroad barons were unrepentant. The B&O’s Garrett thought the soldiers should have killed more strikers. Others dismissed the unrest as the doings of foreign subversives. Politicians instead focused on strengthening the National Guard, often by building armories. But despite losing the strike, laborers had changed perceptions: In growing numbers, Americans came to believe that government should do more for social justice.

“What labor won was a new appreciation of its own strength,” Dray writes, “and of the power of the strike.”


The Great Railroad Strike of 1877 Historical Background

Summer, eighteen hundred seventy-seven. The United States officially ended the twelve-year period spent "reconstructing" the nation after a divisive war. Republican Rutherford B. Hayes was four months into his hard-won presidency, having lost the popular vote to New York's Governor Samuel Tilden but winning the office thanks to the partisan electoral college. Industrial growth, evident in the North prior to the war, was widespread, changing the economic foundation of the nation and the relationship of the individual to his work for the next century.

As devastating as the War Between the States was for soldiers and civilians, it was remarkably lucrative for entrepreneurs and financiers. The economy boomed with necessary production of goods for both the battlefield and the home front technological advancements bred further innovation. The steel industry had already benefited from a new manufacturing technique known as the Bessemer process, developed in the 1850s, that used less than one-seventh the amount of coal previously needed. Shipping speed and profits increased due to advancements in water power and steam engines. New York City, a hub of national mercantilism and commerce, became a center for the buying and selling of money itself by the Civil War, housing the notable Stock Exchange of the City of New York. Venerable businessmen Cornelius Vanderbilt and Daniel Drew became even more prosperous, but the future of the country belonged to a younger generation. The robber barons and captains of industry of the last quarter of the nineteenth century were all under forty in 1861: Jay Gould, Jim Fisk, J.P. Morgan, Philip Armour, Andrew Carnegie, James Hill and John Rockefeller were in their early twenties Collis Huntington and Leland Stanford were over thirty, and Jay Cooke, not yet forty. Their business acumen, willingness to take risks, and downright arrogance resulted in exorbitant, some would say obscene, wealth, much of which was, at this point, plowed back into the businesses to create even more capital. Their power is evident in the panic of Black Friday (September 24, 1869), caused by the efforts of Jim Fisk and Jay Gould to corner the gold market.

Money, technology, greed and a profound lack of government regulation gave rise to new forms of companies and corporations. The first businesses to become really big were the railroads, and regional lines frequently had monopolies over freight transportation and charges. In 1869, freight accounted for $300 million in railroad earnings. By 1890, the amount more than doubled, to $734 million. The Albany Argus published the train schedules in its daily newspaper. So tied to the vagaries of railroad charges were farmers in the mid-West that they took their concerns to the Supreme Court (Munn v. Illinois, 1876).

At the beginning of Ulysses Grant's second term, several Eastern financial institutions ran out of funds as a result of bad loans. The subsequent Panic of 1873 ravaged the nation banks closed, the stock market temporarily collapsed, and an economic depression affected Americans for approximately five years. Within the first year, 89 railroads (of the 364 then existing) went out of business their failure left farmers with no means of transporting products, and they too became casualties. The new industrialized economy was so intertwined that a vicious downward cycle began: by 1875, more than 18,000 companies collapsed. With no money and no visible relief on the horizon, Americans took out their frustrations on the available targets: government, corporations, banks, immigrants. Businesses turned to workers.

The change from an agrarian to industrial economy transformed the value of labor. Workers became just another cog in the machinery of business. When profits declined beyond those acceptable to stockholders, it was the worker who received lower wages, or was dismissed. The steady movement of rural dwellers to urban industrial areas and ever-increasing numbers of immigrants provided business owners a constant source of cheap labor, willing to work under the most deplorable of conditions. In the 1870s, workers did not yet organize when they finally did, their unions were not sanctioned or protected by the federal government until decades later, in the 1930s.

Such was the United States in July, 1877. The Railroad Strike began simply enough, in Martinsburg, West Virginia, on July 16. It became the first massive strike of American workers, and was viewed at the time as rebellion and insurrection. So great was the fear of corporate America that huge, stone armories were constructed around the country to protect the citizenry from a working people's revolt. They remain in many cities today as a reminder of a perceived war on capitalism and "the American way of life." Such is the legacy of The Great Strike of 1877, otherwise referred to as The Great Upheaval.

The Baltimore & Ohio Railroad cut wages for its workers by 10 per cent on Monday, July 16 it was the second such action in eight months. Confused and angry, the trainmen milled around the yard throughout the day. A crew abandoned work on a cattle train at day's end, and workers refused to replace them. Crowds gathered, uncoupled engines, and refused to continue operation until wages were reinstated. When the mayor arrived to quell the crowds and order the arrest of the leaders, he was jeered and ridiculed. Police were powerless to convince workers to operate the trains, and quickly withdrew.

B&O officials sought help from Governor Henry Matthews, who wired Col. Charles Faulkner, Jr., commander of the Berkeley Light Guard, to gather his troops in support of the rail officials. On Tuesday morning, Faulkner's militiamen, many of whom were railroad workers arrived in Martinsburg. As the cattle train moved out of the station with the militia on board, a striker, William Vandergriff, pulled a switch to derail the train. He shot a soldier who tried to restart the train, and was then shot himself. The engineer and fireman left the train volunteers refused to answer Faulkner's call to run the train. Faulkner wired the governor that he was unable to control the situation the crowds and militia were full of strike sympathizers.

What followed was spontaneous combustion. Firemen and rail workers stopped freight traffic along the entire line of the B&O passenger and mail service went uninterrupted. Seventy engines and six hundred freight cars quickly piled up in the Martinsburg yard. Governor Matthews, determined to break the strike, sent in Light Guards from Wheeling they too sided with the strikers, and they were moved from the rail yard to the courthouse. The people of Martinsburg were resolute in their support of the workers. The strikers, it would seem, were successful order was restored.

However, B&O officials wired Washington, D.C. to request the employment of the U.S. Army, even suggesting that the Secretary of War be apprised of the situation. Faulkner wired Governor Matthews that a "bloody conflict" incited by railroad workers would prove too much for his small militia the governor in turn, backed by an appeal from B&O president, wired President Hayes for help.

As the strike spread along the web of rail lines, the pattern remained the same: workers react to the pay cuts with a work stoppage officials attempt to run the trains with militia and volunteers attempts are abandoned due to popular support of the rail workers.

Wage cuts began earlier, June first, on the Pennsylvania Railroad the Brotherhood of Engineers, Conductors and Firemen did nothing to protect its members, and workers took matters into their own hands. But wages were not the only working conditions at issue on railroads. Workers disapproved of the "first crew in, first crew out" system, which left workers no rest or family time. The length of the work day was calculated by miles rather than hours, and that mileage more than doubled. Runs were irregular, thereby making wages and work schedules erratic. No overtime pay was granted reduction in crews meant longer hours, harder work handling extra cars.

Railroad brotherhoods, organized to assist workers in reaching their goals, were ineffectual delegates were intimidated by rail officials and frequently capitulated to owners' demands without consulting the rank-and-file. And unions were full of spies, spreading word of work stoppages to company officials, who would in turn fire potential strike committee members. This panic would lead committee leaders to deny reports of impending strikes or work actions, leaving locals devoid of union leadership and direction. The Great Upheaval was the result of independent initiatives up and down the rails.

Three hundred federal troops entered Martinsburg on July 19 the workers in Martinsburg were supplanted in their efforts by strikebreakers from Baltimore, who began running the trains under military control. Just when it appeared as though the strike was indeed broken, railroad workers received support from wide-ranging sources: striking boatmen on the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal miners from Piedmont, West Virginia boatmen, migrant workers, and young boys at Cumberland, Maryland. The president of the B&O, recognizing the possible extent of the strike, urged Maryland Governor John Carroll to call up the National Guard. Again, met by large numbers of labor sympathizers, the militia was driven back Governor Carroll wired President Hayes for the U.S. Army.

During the same week, the Pennsylvania Railroad ordered a change in the operation of all freights running eastward from Pittsburgh, resulting in more work and increased danger of accidents and layoffs. Again, crew members independently refused to obey orders. Word of the strike spread quickly, and so did the arrival of militia.

On Sunday, July 22, militia dispersed an angry crowd with threats of gunfire in Buffalo, New York on Monday, the crowd returned armed, pushed aside the militia, and forced the closing of the Erie roundhouse. By that evening, all major railroads abandoned attempts at moving anything but local passenger trains out of Buffalo.

Strike actions took place in sympathy around the nation: Harrisburg, Pennsylvania - shops closed Zanesville, Ohio - hotel construction halted, factories and foundries shut down Toledo, Ohio - general strike, calling for a minimum wage of $1.50 per day Texas and Pacific Railroad workers in Marshall, Texas, strike against the ten per cent cut. African-American workers in the South struck for equal pay to white workers in Galveston, Texas black sewer workers in Louisville, Kentucky, initiated a strike that within three days involved coopers, textile workers, brick makers, cabinet workers and factory workers. Within a week after it began in Martinsburg, the railroad strike reached East St. Louis, where 500 members of the St. Louis Workingmen's Party joined 1,000 railroad workers and residents. Strikers in St. Louis continued operation of non-freight trains themselves, collecting fares rail officials would have preferred to have all service extinguished, so that passengers would discredit the strikers and side with the companies.

For all of its fervor and support, the Great Railroad Strike of 1877 ended by August 1, unsuccessful, its workers no better off at the end than when it began. Workers did not receive pay raises legislation strengthened anti-union attitudes, and state militias were increased. What went wrong? In many ways, the very spontaneity of the strike was its own undoing the workers were, after all, unorganized. The strike evolved, or erupted, because of a collective dissatisfaction with workers' loss of control to company bosses, and an almost subliminal idea that their power lay in mutual support. The workers overthrew established authority and control, but were unable to sustain the momentum or unity as the strike grew. After initially being ousted, forces of law and order regrouped in short order and were able to marshal their forces swiftly and confidently. In cities such as Chicago, Civil War veterans were organized ward by ward civilians were sworn in as special police, freeing regular police for strike-related duty. The general public feared the violence of the workers many editorials and pundits aligned their actions with those of the 1871 Paris Commune uprising. Whispers and headlines included the words "socialists," "anarchists," and "communists." Behind all local and state efforts to break the strike was the federal government, with its military and legislative muscle.

Ultimately the strike involved more than 100,000 railroad workers in fourteen states they walked off their jobs, smashed cars and pulled up tracks in Boston, Chicago, St. Louis, Toledo, Louisville, Buffalo, and San Francisco. Before service was restored, more than 100 were dead, hundreds injured, thousands jailed, $5 million of property destroyed.

The Great Strike of 1877 is memorable for being the first of many to follow. Its dramatic display of cooperative power virtually ceased the movements of society and commerce. This lesson was not lost on business owners, many of whom thought twice about cutting wages in the near future. Some companies in the 1880s initiated labor reforms, providing death benefits, limited medical services, and pension plans for their workers. The Workingmen's Party gained a national presence. And, in 1878, the opponents of workers' revolts began constructing the protective armories.


Pullman Strike

The Pullman Strike of 1894 was one of the most influential events in the history of U.S. labor. What began as a walkout by railroad workers in the company town of Pullman, Illinois, escalated into the country's first national strike. The events surrounding the strike catapulted several leaders to prominence and brought national focus to issues concerning labor unrest, SOCIALISM, and the need for new efforts to balance the economic interests of labor and capitalism.

In 1859, 28-year-old George M. Pullman, an ambitious entrepreneur who had moved from New York to Chicago, found success as a building contractor. When a new sewage system was installed that necessitated the raising of downtown buildings by ten feet, he ran a business where he oversaw large teams of men working with huge jacks to raise the buildings. Pullman quickly became wealthy.

Continuing his penchant for innovation, Pullman turned in 1867 to the subject of railroad travel and created a new line of luxury railroad cars featuring comfortable seating, restaurants, and improved sleeping accommodations. As demand for the "Pullman coaches" grew, Pullman further demonstrated his financial acumen. He did not sell his sleeping cars instead he leased them to railroad companies. By 1893, the Pullman Company operated over 2,000 cars on almost every major U.S. railroad, and the company was valued at $62 million.

A firm believer in capitalism and moral uplift, Pullman gathered a group of investors and began to build the nation's first model industrial town near Lake Calumet on the southwest edge of Chicago. Between 1880 and 1884, the village of Pullman was built on 4,000 acres. In addition to the company's manufacturing plants, the town contained a hotel, a school, a library, a church, and office buildings as well as parks and recreational facilities. Houses were well-built brick structures that featured cutting-edge conveniences of the era such as indoor plumbing and gas heat. Other innovations included regular garbage pick-up, a modern sewer system, and landscaped streets. An equally firm believer in the necessity of making a profit, Pullman operated his town as he operated his company, leasing the housing to his workers and selling them food, gas, and water at a 10 percent markup.

A significant drop in the country's gold reserves, prodigious spending of U.S. Treasury surpluses, and the passage in 1890 of the Sherman Silver Act led to the financial panic of 1893. The ensuing corporate failures, mass layoffs of workers, and bank closings plunged the country into a major depression. In response, the Pullman Company fired more than a third of the workforce and instituted reduced hours and wage cuts of more than 25 percent for the remaining hourly employees. Because Pullman had promised the town's investors a 6 percent return, there was no corresponding reduction in the rents and other charges paid by the workers. Rent was deducted directly from their paychecks, leaving many workers with no money to feed and clothe their families.

In desperation, many workers joined the newly established American Railway Union (ARU) that claimed a membership of 465 local unions and 150,000 workers. ARU organizer and president EUGENE V. DEBS had become nationally prominent when he led a short but successful strike against the Great Northern Railway in early 1894. In May 1894, the workers struck the Pullman Company. Debs directed the strike and widened its scope, asking other train workers outside Chicago to refuse to work on trains that included Pullman cars. While the workers did agree to permit trains carrying the U.S. mail to operate as long as they did not contain Pullman cars, the railroads refused to compromise. Instead, they added Pullman cars to all their trains, including the ones that only transported freight.

Despite repeated attempts by the union to discuss the situation with Pullman, he refused to negotiate. As the strike spread, entire rail lines were shut down. The railroads quickly formed the General Managers Association (GMA) and announced that switchmen who did not move rail cars would be fired immediately. The ARU responded with a union-wide walkout. By the end of June, 50,000 railroad workers had walked off their jobs.

The economic threat and sporadic violence led the GMA to call for federal troops to be brought in. Illinois governor John P. Altgeld, who was sympathetic to the cause of the striking workers, refused the request for troops. In July, U.S. attorney general RICHARD OLNEY, who supported the GMA, issued a broad INJUNCTION called the Omnibus Indictment that prohibited strikers and union representatives from attempting to persuade workers to abandon their jobs.

When striking workers were read the indictment and refused to disperse, Olney obtained a federal court injunction holding the workers in CONTEMPT and, in effect, declaring the strike illegal. When the workers still refused to end the strike, Debs and other leaders were arrested and Olney requested the federal troops saying they were needed to move the mail. Presiden GROVER CLEVELAND sent more than 2,000 troops to Chicago, and fighting soon broke out between the rioting strikers and soldiers. Soldiers killed more than a dozen workers and wounded many more.

With strike leaders in prison and a growing public backlash over the looting and ARSON committed by some striking workers, the strike was effectively broken. Most of the workers returned to their jobs in August, although some were blacklisted and never again worked for the railroads. Debs was charged with contempt of court for disobeying the court injunction and conspiracy to obstruct the U.S. mail. CLARENCE DARROW, an attorney who had quit his job as general counsel of the Chicago and North Western Railway, defended Debs and the other ARU leaders, but they were convicted and spent six months in prison. They were released in November 1895.

Darrow went on to become a prominent defense attorney as well as a well-known public orator. Debs, whose contempt of court conviction was upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court in In re Debs, 158 U.S. 564, 15 S.Ct. 900, 39 L.Ed. 1092 (1895), was further radicalized by his experiences. In high demand as a popular speaker particularly in the industrial states of the North, Debs became the influential leader of the Socialist Party, running for president several times between 1900 and 1920.

Pullman, who continued to regard himself as a morally upright man despite the critical findings of a presidential commission appointed to investigate the strike, died in 1897. Fearful that his body might be degraded or stolen by former strikers, Pullman's family had his body buried in a concrete and steel casket in a tomb covered with steel-reinforced concrete. In 1971, the former "company" town of Pullman was designated as a national landmark district.

The Pullman Strike of 1894 and its aftermath had an indelible effect on the course of the labor movement in the United States. The use of federal troops and the labor injunction sent a message to U.S. workers that would not change until the NEW DEAL of the 1930s. The polarization of management and labor would continue for decades.


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